EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY PRESS

News media reporting on female political violence invariably portrays the perpetrators as duped, naive and exploited, acting from personal rather than political motivations, as anomalous intruders in a masculine realm and de-feminized as monsters. By diminishing their agency, the challenge that women’s violence poses to the gendered national order is contained. Drawing on five comparative case studies spanning more than 70 years of militant campaigns against the UK and France, this book interrogates how media representations of politically violent women are shaped by gender, race, religion, class and geography. It considers how women’s political violence is framed, what influences these portrayals, and what ideological work they perform. In answering these questions, the book reveals how these representations operate as a battleground where the nation’s gendered boundaries are defined and defended, and the national order is reproduced.

The way we work is radically changing, due to advancements in technology, shifting work norms, changes to the landscape of labour policy, and unprecedented global events, like the Covid-19 pandemic. As the changes have played out with increasing speed and intensity, in public and in private spheres, many have questioned whether work is something we need to do at all. After all, much work has become bad. Many forms of it are physically dangerous, psychologically harmful, dehumanizing, unfulfilling, or just plain bullshit. Much of it is underpaid and unfairly compensated. Many toil for much of their lives in jobs they dislike with little or nothing to show for it. The anti-work view argues – persuasively so – that humanity would be better off in a world without work. But while some forms of work can be very bad, there is much evidence to suggest that it can also be very good – perhaps even an essential component of people’s happiness and well-being. A person’s work can be the thing that gets them out of bed in the morning, fills them with a sense of purpose, and provides them with a social community, all while meeting their material and financial needs. Above all, work is a social activity: one that we do together with others, in response to their needs and our own, in the context of the institutions and structures that give shape to our social world. Working For Each Other challenges the anti-work narrative by proposing an alternative view: that work is not an individual necessity, but a social one. As an individual, people have certain needs that allow them to live and thrive in the world: things like food, shelter and resources. In the same way, our communities and societies have requirements – like infrastructure and essential services – that they can’t do without. Work is one of these fundamental collective needs: even if one does not work, someone else must. Recognising the role that work plays in how we communicate with each other about our contributions to our communities and societies can allow us to reimagine the promise of work to be part of a good life – in particular, a life shared with others.

Taylor Knight reveals the way in which phenomenology initiates a return to ontology construed through a dialectical relationship between being and element. Within phenomenology’s return to the elemental, Merleau-Ponty’s late philosophy is a key locus, opening critical paths forward into an ontology for the ecological age. With reference to his phenomenological forebears - Heidegger, Husserl, Levinas - his non-phenomenological influences - Bachelard, Schelling, Freud - and his dialogue with Greek thought - Heraclitus, Plato, Aristotle – Knight shows what is authentically new in Merleau-Ponty’s late ontology.

This critical introduction to the geographies of crime highlights the specific value that a geographical perspective adds to the study of crime. Examining crime through the lenses of space and place is shown to enhance our understanding of the nature of crime and how best to police it. The book charts how the study of crime has been taken up by geographers both historically and today, as well as exploring the interdisciplnary nature of geographies of crime – its overlaps with criminology, sociology, economics – and the contributions from new theoretical perspectives from beyond geography, such as Southern criminology and green criminology. As well as discussing criminality at regional, national and global levels, the authors consider forms of offending that have received little attention to date, such as cybercrime, domestic violence and transnational organised crime. Geographies of policing and the criminal justice system are also examined. The book provides readers with an up-to-date survey of recent research in the geography of crime research and is an excellent entry point for students taking a range of courses in human and social geography, criminology and sociology.

In ancient and modern Western thought, the problem of the nature of categories has been inseparable from arguments about the nature of selfhood; about how knowledge is organised; about how power should be distributed; and about how history should be understood. For Plato, Forms belonging to a timeless order of being played the role of categories or fundamental concepts; for Aristotle categories were immanent in things; for Kant they were a priori logical structures of our consciousness; and for Hegel they were dynamic, dialectical inter-related ideas. In Categories, O’Sullivan shows how these answers have gone forward into the contemporary era, and identifies three key schools of thought that have developed since Hegel in particular. He explains modern thought as a tension between a desire for a single dominant perspective, whether scientific or phenomenological; a belief in irretrievable fragmentation; and an effort to find a middle ground.