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The way we work is radically changing, due to advancements in technology, shifting work norms, changes to the landscape of labour policy, and unprecedented global events, like the Covid-19 pandemic. As the changes have played out with increasing speed and intensity, in public and in private spheres, many have questioned whether work is something we need to do at all. After all, much work has become bad. Many forms of it are physically dangerous, psychologically harmful, dehumanizing, unfulfilling, or just plain bullshit. Much of it is underpaid and unfairly compensated. Many toil for much of their lives in jobs they dislike with little or nothing to show for it. The anti-work view argues – persuasively so – that humanity would be better off in a world without work. But while some forms of work can be very bad, there is much evidence to suggest that it can also be very good – perhaps even an essential component of people’s happiness and well-being. A person’s work can be the thing that gets them out of bed in the morning, fills them with a sense of purpose, and provides them with a social community, all while meeting their material and financial needs. Above all, work is a social activity: one that we do together with others, in response to their needs and our own, in the context of the institutions and structures that give shape to our social world. Working For Each Other challenges the anti-work narrative by proposing an alternative view: that work is not an individual necessity, but a social one. As an individual, people have certain needs that allow them to live and thrive in the world: things like food, shelter and resources. In the same way, our communities and societies have requirements – like infrastructure and essential services – that they can’t do without. Work is one of these fundamental collective needs: even if one does not work, someone else must. Recognising the role that work plays in how we communicate with each other about our contributions to our communities and societies can allow us to reimagine the promise of work to be part of a good life – in particular, a life shared with others.

This critical introduction to the geographies of crime highlights the specific value that a geographical perspective adds to the study of crime. Examining crime through the lenses of space and place is shown to enhance our understanding of the nature of crime and how best to police it. The book charts how the study of crime has been taken up by geographers both historically and today, as well as exploring the interdisciplnary nature of geographies of crime – its overlaps with criminology, sociology, economics – and the contributions from new theoretical perspectives from beyond geography, such as Southern criminology and green criminology. As well as discussing criminality at regional, national and global levels, the authors consider forms of offending that have received little attention to date, such as cybercrime, domestic violence and transnational organised crime. Geographies of policing and the criminal justice system are also examined. The book provides readers with an up-to-date survey of recent research in the geography of crime research and is an excellent entry point for students taking a range of courses in human and social geography, criminology and sociology.

During the Scottish Revolution (1637-1651), royalists and Covenanters appealed to Scottish law, custom and traditional views on kingship to debate the limits of King Charles I’s authority. But they also engaged with the political ideas of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Protestant and Catholic intellectuals beyond the British Isles. This book explores the under-examined European context for Scottish political thought by analysing how royalists and Covenanters adapted Lutheran, Calvinist, and Catholic political ideas to their own debates about church and state. In doing so, it argues that Scots advanced languages of political legitimacy to help solve a crisis about the doctrines, ceremonies and polity of their national church. It therefore reinserts the importance of ecclesiology to the development of early modern political theory.

In this book, Monika Kirloskar-Steinbach studies how Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891-1956), W.E.B. Du Bois (1868-1963), Mohammed Iqbal (1877-1938), Pandita Ramabai (1858-1922) and Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941) diagnose the epistemic oppression they perceive and experience, their analysis of the coloniality of being as its cause, and their proposals to counter it. Kirloskar-Steinbach explores how these voices seek to co-create a space in which they can experience what it means to be free from the conceptual domination of academic frameworks, relish that freedom with their collaborators and, in the equal participation that that space affords, develop open-ended concepts that help them to resist the coloniality of being.

Modern Azeri Turkish prose narratives emerged towards the end of the Second World War, a period marked by the rise of multiple hostile ideological trends – including Aryanism, centralism, nationalism and archaism – all seeking to eradicate the Azeri Turkish language. Azeri Turkish was framed as a linguistic threat to be eliminated as monolingualism, seen as a prerequisite for a unified nation-state, became one of the main state projects of the Pahlavis in their attempt to create a homogenised, Persianised Aryan nation. Yet, despite a century of systematic Persianisation, literature in Azeri Turkish not only endured but continues to thrive in Iran to this day. This book introduces short stories, novels and memoirs in Azeri Turkish from the 1940s to the end of the twentieth century, situating them within the historical and political events of the time, from the rise of the Azerbaijan People’s Government to the Iranian Revolution and beyond. It analyses the author's engagement with the questions of forced monolingualism, institutionalised assimilation policies and centre–periphery relations, revealing the dissident nature of this minority literature. It shows how the persistent marginalisation of Azeri Turkish literature, along with the constant revisitation of the region’s dark historical periods, has shaped much of this literature as trauma narratives. Finally, it advocates for vitalising Iranian literary studies by embracing linguistic and cultural diversity.

Based on Persian and Arabic primary sources such as seminal jurisprudential works, fatwas, articles and interviews, this book explores how contemporary Sh? sm has broken away from traditional religious discourses. Ali Akbar examines how prominent scholars from Iran, Iraq and Lebanon who operate from within Sh? tradition have paved the way for new interpretations of Islam in general and of Sh? sm in particular.The book investigates the extent to which reformist Sh? scholarship has shifted towards post-Islamist discourses in response to four key areas encompassing theological, social and political issues: relationships between Muslims and people of other faiths, with an emphasis on the concept of ritual purity; freedom of religion; women?s rights; and state-religion relationship and democratic norms. Akbar offers an up-to-date and interdisciplinary examination of contemporary Sh? scholars? use of tools and strategies to instigate reform.

Turkey has always had a complicated relationship with the West and the Liberal International Order, owing to its geographic and historical position that straddles geographic divides. This book explores Turkey’s relationship with the Liberal International Order and its economic, security and political ties. While Turkey’s position within the Liberal International Order has always been challenged internally and externally, events in recent years have resulted in further questioning of its position. This book provides a long-term view of Turkey’s relation to liberal internationalism, demonstrating how the republic emerged simultaneously with the emergence of the first post-First World War version of liberal international order. It demonstrates both the challenges and the opportunities that Turkey’s position within and outside liberal internationalism poses to the future of such forms of liberal internationalism. Crucially, it demonstrates how Turkey’s foreign policy stances are and will likely continue to be closely linked to political developments within the country.

For centuries, Russian imperialism has shaped the fate of its neighbours, from the tsarist conquests to Soviet domination and today’s relentless aggression. This book exposes the Kremlin’s enduring ambition to control its periphery, dismantling the myths used to justify its actions – from claims of shared history to the weaponization of security and culture. It reveals how Russia has sought to subordinate neighbouring states, and how these nations have resisted, asserting their sovereignty in defiance of Moscow’s pressure. In this incisive and compelling analysis of Russia’s enduring imperial mindset, Donnacha Ó Beacháin sheds critical light on how history, politics and power continue to collide in Ukraine and beyond, and why breaking the cycle of domination is vital for global security. It is essential reading for grasping the complexities of the current geopolitical crisis.

What is violence – what is an image? How does violence relate to the image, and how do violence and the image implicate and define the victim? These questions underpin the thinking of Bataille, Agamben and Girard – thinkers of the moment in as much as they each aim to explain the basis of society and culture in the context of power and the sacred. To study power and the sacred, the book shows, is to reveal the connection between violence and the image, a connection that shows what it means to be a victim. Separate chapters are devoted to the study of violence and the image as these appear in the work of Bataille, Agamben and Girard. The book concludes that no study of violence and the image can avoid engaging with the issue of the injustice of being a victim.

Combining recent insights from animal studies, critical plant studies and the new materialisms, Danielle Sands reads fiction and philosophy alongside each other to propose a method of thinking of and with animals that draws on a bestiary of affects. She challenges the claim that empathy should be primary mode of engagement with nonhuman life. Instead, she looks at the stories that we tell, and are told, by insects beings at the edges of animal life. The indifference, even disgust, that these creatures evoke in us forms the basis for a new ethics not limited by empathy. Along the way she encounters fiction writers Yann Martel, Karen Joy Fowler, Han Kang and Jim Crace beside the philosophy of Graham Harman, Donna Haraway, Jacques Derrida and Roger Caillois.

Addressing representations of Russia and neighbouring Eastern Europe in post-1989 Nordic cinemas, this ground-breaking book investigates their hitherto overlooked transnational dimension. Departing from the dark stereotypes that characterise much of 'Eastern noir', the book presents Russia and Eastern Europe as imagined spaces depicted with a surprisingly rich, but previously neglected cinematic diversity. Cross-disciplinary in its approach, and utilising in-depth case studies of feature films, documentaries and television dramas, such as Lilya 4-ever, A Pigeon Sat on a Branch Reflecting on Existence and Occupied, the book presents a variety of perspectives on Russia and Eastern Europe found in the Nordic audiovisual imagination and considers how increasingly transnational affinities have led to a reimagining of Norden's eastern neighbours in contemporary Nordic films.

Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 marked a watershed in post-Cold War European history and brought East-West relations to a low. At the same time, by selling this fateful action in starkly nationalist language, the Putin regime achieved record-high popularity. This book shows how, after the large-scale 2011-13 anti-Putin demonstrations in major Russian cities and the parallel rise in xenophobia related to the Kremlin's perceived inability to deal with the influx of Central Asian labour migrants, the annexation of Crimea generated strong 'rallying around the nation' and 'rallying around the leader' effects. The contributors to this collection go beyond the news headlines to focus on overlooked aspects of Russian society such as intellectual racism and growing xenophobia. These developments are contextualised with an overview of Russian nationalism: state-led, grassroots and the tensions between the two.

Vyvyan Evans covers all aspects of the relationship between language and mind, as well as applications and extensions of cognitive linguistics to the study of text, literature, discourse, and society. Bursting with new content and presented in a new 5-part structure, the book has been fully revised and extensively updated throughout to deliver the complete guide to the cognitive linguistic enterprise. Brand new additions include: an innovative new chapter exploring key topics in language science, a new chapter introducing the range of research methods and approaches for studying human language, mind and behaviour and new chapters exploring areas such as access semantics and meaning construction, conceptual structure, the nature of space, time, gesture and sign language.