Anthem Press

The book collects almost thirty-five opinion pieces, essays, and two poems by the author on a wide variety of public policy topics written and published between 2006 and 2022. The author, a self-described “militant moderate,” draws on his participation in many public debates. The articles are grouped into six, topical groupings that range widely: the growing need for moderate voices in policy debates; the nature of American exceptionalism; the challenge of civic discourse; the depredations of the Trump’s first term; and policies concerning immigration, citizenship, and refugees.

This book brings together David Cockburn’s best work on Wittgensteinian themes relating to ‘mind’ and ‘language’. While none of these papers is well described as ‘exegetical’, most are discussions of Wittgenstein, and all are discussions of themes central to his later work and strongly influenced by it. The papers can be roughly divided between ‘the philosophy of mind’ and ‘the philosophy of language’. They are, however, united by the idea that this standard classification of topics stands in the way of clear thinking about core issues, and, closely connected with that, united by the idea that the notion of a human being must be central to any philosophical treatment of them. Cockburn’s approach is marked by the detailed attention given to the human bodily form, and his approach to language by the central place given to the idea of conversation. The discussions are enriched by incorporating some consideration of our relation to non-human creatures. The papers are linked by an insistence on the inescapably ethical dimension of any adequate discussion of these issues. While the debt to Wittgenstein is enormous, a number of the papers involve what may be significant criticisms of him.

William Blake as Natural Philosopher, 1788-1795 takes seriously William Blake’s wish to be read as a natural philosopher, particularly in his early illuminated works, and reveals the way that poetry and visual art were for Blake an imaginative way of philosophizing. Blake’s poetry and designs reveal a consistent preoccupation with eighteenth-century natural philosophical debates concerning the properties of the physical world, the nature of the soul, and God’s relationship to the material universe. This book traces the history of these debates and examines images and ideas in Blake’s illuminated books that mark the development of the monist pantheism, which contends that every material thing is in its essence God, to the idealism of his later period, which casts the natural world as degenerate and illusory. The book argues that Blake’s philosophical thought was not as monolithic as has been previously characterized, and that pantheism is important to understanding his early works because it entails an ethics that respects the interconnected divinity of all material objects – not just humans – which in turn spurns hierarchical power structures.

Current debates in the environmental humanities, animal studies, and related fields increasingly revolve around this question: What to do with “the human”? Is the human a category worth preserving? Should it be replaced with the post-human? Should marginalized and minoritarian groups advocate for a universal humanism? What is the relationship between humanism and anthropocentrism? Is a genuinely non-anthropocentric mode of thinking and living possible for human beings? This book argues that the writings of twentieth-century poet Robinson Jeffers offer twenty-first-century readers a number of crucial insights concerning such questions and timely advice about how not to be human. For Jeffers, our tendency to turn inward on ourselves and to indulge in human narcissism is at the heart of the social, economic, and existential ills that plague modern societies. As a remedy, Jeffers recommends turning ourselves outward—beyond the self and beyond the human—and learning to affirm and even love the inhuman cosmos in all of its terrible beauty. In the process, Jeffers helps us find our way back to ourselves, but this time no longer as “human” in the traditional sense but as plain members of the inhuman world.

The book focuses on various ways of articulating settler belonging in Australian memoir since the turn of the 21st century. After Australia witnessed a reinvigorated public interest in the revisionist history of European settlement and colonial violence, resulting in the dispossession of Indigenous people and damaged settler–Indigenous relations, Australian settler majority has experienced an unsettlement of their sense of belonging, or the so-called “setter anxiety.” The book analyzes how settler (un)belonging is narrativized in popular memoirs written by Australian public intellectuals, such as historians, artists, writers, and commentators, in the period after 2000. These memoirs of settler belonging share one aspect: they all ask and seek answers to the implicit question, how to belong as a White settler who bears witness to the legacy of violent colonization vis-a-vis continuing Indigenous dispossession? How to justify the settler presence in and love of the land that was stolen from First Australians? The individual chapters examine historians’ memoirs, White women’s travel narratives, experimental place-writing, and eco- and landscape memoirs, tracing a gradual shift in literary representations of settler anxiety and detecting new perspectives on what can be called ethical settler belonging.

This book examines the intervention of global elite networks in the context of Ukraine’s EU-IMF deal within the overall ‘Euromaidan moment’ (late 2013–early 2014). It develops an empirically grounded investigation focused on three sets of modalities within the EU-IMF package during this time period – namely, GM agriculture (biotechnology), hydraulic fracking and an internationally enabled regime change – as proposed solutions for urgent problems confronting Ukraine. There is a particular spotlight on the intersections between corporate actors, political players, foundations and think tanks in the reproduction of particular constellations of power between Western (particularly U.S.-based) networks and Ukrainian agents and intermediaries. The complexity of social dynamics allow for multiple forms of power to operate at once in this space of international politics. This book details and analyses how the global elite network operating around Ukraine at this time produced the three unusual outcomes associated with the agreed EU-IMF policy agenda (GM agriculture, fracking and a regime change). It contributes to the analysis of how global elite networks operate and power works in international relations, and also enhances how the tumultuous politics of Ukraine in the current century are understood.The subject of this book is fairly controversial and is a high-profile current political problem. Looking at these issues through the analytical framework of social networks brings forward a welcomed investigation into agency in international studies. The attention to personal and political ties of mutual interdependence differs from more commonly used mainstream accounts of global politics that rely on ‘US versus Russia’ narratives or on corporate elites pursuing business deals. This book shows how close ties of social acquaintance and political-economic compacts prove crucial to understanding how the key issue areas evolved. This book advances the understanding of how power works in international politics, showing how it is built through different forms. It also advances the understanding of how global elite networks are formed and operate, along with specific investigation into the importance of gatekeepers, and thus explains the international political economy of Ukraine at a key moment and should prove invaluable to many academic and popular explanations.

This book is a first-hand account of the Russian Revolution and its impact on the Russian people. Cantacuzene, an American journalist who lived in Russia during the revolution, provides a detailed and personal narrative of the events leading up to the revolution, the revolution itself, and its aftermath. The book is divided into three parts, each focusing on a different period of the revolution. The first part covers the years leading up to the revolution, including the political climate in Russia, the rise of the Bolsheviks, and the growing unrest among the Russian people. The second part covers the actual revolution, including the fall of the Tsarist regime and the rise of the Bolsheviks to power. The final part covers the aftermath of the revolution, including the civil war, the establishment of the Soviet Union, and the impact of the revolution on the Russian people.Throughout the book, Cantacuzene provides a unique perspective on the revolution, offering insights into the lives of ordinary Russians and their experiences during this tumultuous period in history. She also provides a critical analysis of the Bolsheviks and their policies, highlighting the challenges and contradictions of their revolutionary project.Russian People: Revolutionary Recollections is a valuable historical document that provides a vivid and engaging account of one of the most significant events of the 20th century. It is a must-read for anyone interested in the Russian Revolution, Soviet history, or the history of revolutionary movements. This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the old original and may contain some imperfections such as library marks and notations. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions, that are true to their original work.

The purpose of this volume is not simply to compile yet another wearying chronicle of the horrors that have been committed by our fellow human beings. Most students who register for a course on Genocide assume that it will focus, perhaps exclusively, on the Holocaust—the case with which they are most familiar. Many of them have read Elie Wiesel’s eloquent masterpiece Night in secondary school, and some may have read The Diary of Anne Frank. A few students might even know that a genocide occurred in Rwanda or Darfur. Like most people, however, they equate genocide simply with mass killing, and assume that genocide must by definition entail millions of deaths. Raphael Lemkin, who coined the word “genocide”—meaning literally “to kill a people”— originally defined it “a colonial crime of destroying the national patterns of the oppressed and imposing the national patterns of the oppressors.” This was a process, Lemkin said, deliberately intending to destroy a people’s culture that could sometimes but not necessarily always result in mass murder. Students need to know that after World War II the great powers undermined and co-opted the process of writing the1948 Genocide Convention at the UN—because these nations did not want their own colonial crimes, oppression of minorities, and destructions of cultures to be included in the definition. Instead, they simply used the Holocaust as a template and succeeded in distorting what Lemkin originally meant by “genocide”—the murder of a people by destroying their social and cultural connections.

David R. Francis held the post of the United States ambassador to Russia from April 1916 to November 1918, and represented his country before four Russian governments: the Imperial, Provisional, Soviet, and Northern. He was an eyewitness of the greatest events in the history of Russia: World War I, the February Revolution, the downfall of the empire, the October Revolution, and the Civil War. During the two and half years of his residence in Russia, Francis met prominent figures such as Nicholas II, the last Russian emperor, and Vladimir I. Lenin, the first Soviet leader. Francis s diplomatic experience was unique and had no parallel in the history of Russian-American relations which is why his memoirs are of special interest for historians and the general public alike.

Crosley’s book of published letters is a unique and interesting addition to the body of first-hand literature on the Russian Revolution. It is particularly important as the product of a female author. Pauline Crosley’s role and experience in Russia in 1917 was much the same as the diplomatic wives of the US Foreign Service: she was largely responsible for their social calendar and the day-to-day operations of their home. Her letters tend to focus on the details of everyday life, particularly the assessment of their fuel and food supplies, as well as the changing cultural scene and growing violence in the city. Crosley’s letters give us a sense of what life was like during these tumultuous months, and serve as a fascinating companion to some of the more politically detailed accounts of the revolutionary period."

Charles Edward Russell was a major intellectual and political figure of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century United States. As a very well-known American radical, he published many books on the US economy, the condition of workers, social issues, and other subjects. He was an active member of the American socialist movement before 1917, but when the US entered the war in 1917 he moved to support the US war effort, something many radicals had still opposed. When President Woodrow Wilson was preparing a special delegation to Russia in the summer of 1917, he added Russell to the delegation in an effort to include a radical at a time when the Russian Provisional Government was increasingly socialist.

Edward Alsworth Ross, one of the founders of the academic field of sociology, spent July–December 1917 traveling across the Russian Empire and talking to the people there. As he states in his brief introduction, “I have taken it as my business to describe impartially the major social changes going on in Russia … in the latter half of 1917, and leave it to others or to time itself to judge them.” Ross follows through on that promise remarkably well, describing Russian peasants, the urban educated class, industrial workers, women, religion, people who had been imprisoned under tsarism, religion, the people of the Caucasus and Central Asia, and the proposals for democracy, among other topics. Though this unique account focuses more on the people and less on politics than other accounts of the time, Ross includes a fascinating account of a lengthy private interview with Trotsky in December 1917. He ends the book by looking ahead to Russia’s possible future, from a perspective after the Bolsheviks took power but before the Civil War changed everything. Delving into important themes rarely mentioned in other foreigners’ writings about the Russian Revolution, Russia in Upheaval gives a unique sense of the times.

This is the first republication of Rheta Childe Dorr’s book Inside the Russian Revolution (1917), accompanied by the editor’s research introduction and comments. Dorr (1866–1948) was a leading suffragette from Nebraska, studied at the University of Nebraska, before moving to New York as a journalist and first editor of The Suffragette. Living on the lower East Side, she became a socialist. She visited Russia during the first Russian revolution (1905–1907) and later covered the February Revolution of 1917 for the New York Evening Mail.Her book Inside the Russian Revolution (1917) depicts the overthrow of the tsar as a positive, democratic move with hope of a Russia following the American path to constitutional democracy. The evolution of revolutionary Russia from February to October changed not only Dorr’s perception of the Russian revolution as a phenomenon but her vision of socialism as well. In this sense, she was among the American radicals who contributed to American phenomenology of the 1917 Russian revolution but were not satisfied with its results. Being a prominent figure in the U.S. political and social life of her time, Rheta Dorr expanded the horizons of the Americans’ identity.Dorr is also known for other publications. In 1922, she assisted Anna Vyrubova, a lady-in-waiting, the best friend and the confidante of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, with the writing of Vyrubova’s memoir, My Memories of the Russian Court. Thereafter, Dorr wrote her own memoir, A Woman of Fifty, published in 1924. Dorr moved from her autobiography to a biography of Susan B. Anthony, published in 1928, and completed her publishing activity in 1929 with a tome on the question of prohibition.

This scholarly monograph looks at a little-researched diaspora, originating on the Greek Aegean Island of Ikaria. Ikaria itself is a small, isolated island, close to the Turkish coast. It has had a long and independent history, with periods of autonomy and self-rule, including the short-lived Free State of Ikaria in 1912, which was the outcome of the Ikarian Revolution against the Ottoman Empire. Ikarians themselves remained quite insular until the nineteenth century, when they began emigrating. Ottoman port-cities and urban centres, as well as nearby Aegean islands, received the first Ikarian emigrants.Eventually, Ikarians found themselves in growing hubs of migration such as Egypt and the United States. By 1910, the first Ikarians had arrived in Port Pirie, South Australia, beginning a long tradition of Ikarian migration and settlement in the state. This book explores the Ikarians in South Australia between 1900 and 1945 – an under-researched period, and a contrast from most studies on Greeks in Australia, which have focused heavily on the mass migration post-World War II and post-Greek Civil War. This also leaves a gap for a later study on Ikarians in South Australia beyond 1945. The book positions itself around four key themes: emigration, settlement, community building and integration, with ideas such as localism and identity being explored as facets within those themes.

This book discusses EU member state institutions that take all their decisions by unanimity (i.e., individual countries can and do hold all others hostage in order to extract concessions for their vote). On the other end of the spectrum are EU institutions that take most of their votes by so-called qualified majority. In this case, the former hostage holders can now simply be outvoted. Hence, the latter EU institutions could be a likely candidate for a practical solution to the unanimity-voting quagmire.

In 1917—that is, in the midst of the First World War—Madeleine Z. Doty, a feminist, lawyer, prison reformer, peace activist, and journalist, was commissioned by the magazine Good Housekeeping to travel "around the world" to get a view “behind the battle line” of how people on the home front, especially women, were responding to the war. Traveling on the Trans-Siberian Railway from China, Doty crossed the border into Russia just days after the Bolshevik Revolution had begun. She meant it literally when she declared in her account of these travels, Behind the Battle Line: Around the World in 1918: “The Bolshevik Revolution had descended on me.”